The 2013 Chicago School Closures, Eleven Years Later

Abstract

On May 22, 2013, the Chicago Board of Education voted to close forty-nine elementary school buildings at the end of the 2012–2013 academic year, the largest single-day school-closure action in the history of US public education. The present paper, drawing on the CPS School Actions records, annual CPS Facilities Master Plan reports, CPS post-closure student tracking data obtained through a 2024 Freedom of Information Act request, Chicago Public Library branch circulation records, Cook County Assessor tract-level residential and commercial records, and a year of field interviews with former parents, teachers, and community organizers conducted between March 2024 and February 2025, assembles the first comprehensive eleven-year retrospective quantitative analysis of the closure's consequences. Three findings are reported. First, eighteen of the forty-nine closed buildings remained vacant as of the December 2024 inventory, totaling 1.4 million square feet of unused public building stock concentrated in North Lawndale, Austin, East Garfield Park, and Auburn Gresham, six years past the 2018 Facilities Master Plan's five-year disposition commitment. Second, 29 percent of the 11,729 students tracked by CPS through the spring 2014 enrollment window did not re-enroll in a CPS school the year after their school was closed, a magnitude consistent with the academic and behavioral-outcome patterns the Steinberg and MacDonald (2019) Philadelphia study and the broader cross-district closure literature (Tieken & Auldridge-Reveles 2019; Ewing & Green 2022) document. Third, residential vacancy rates on census blocks within a quarter-mile of a closed building rose 18 percent faster over 2013 to 2024 than the community-area mean (p < 0.01 on a block-level difference-in-differences specification), with the divergence widening rather than attenuating past the five-year mark. The findings are consistent with Ewing's (2018) qualitative framework and extend the quantitative school-closure literature (Downey & Gibbs 2013; Tieken & Auldridge-Reveles 2019; Lee & Sartain 2020; Weber, Farmer, & Donoghue 2020; Ewing & Green 2022) to the Chicago case at its eleventh-year mark.

1. Introduction

On May 22, 2013, the Chicago Board of Education voted to close 49 elementary and charter school buildings at the end of the 2012–2013 school year, a single-session action affecting roughly 12,000 students. It is, by any conventional scale metric, the largest US public-school-closure event for which systematic documentation exists (Ewing 2018; Lipman 2013). The action has accumulated substantial scholarly attention. Ewing's (2018) Ghosts in the Schoolyard: Racism and School Closings on Chicago's South Side, grounded in ethnographic work in four affected South Side community areas, is the central narrative treatment. Pauline Lipman's (2011) The New Political Economy of Urban Education and her 2013 Educational Policy essay place the action in the longer trajectory of post-1995 Chicago school reform. The University of Chicago Consortium on School Research has published successive quantitative analyses (de la Torre & Gwynne 2009 on an earlier wave; Consortium 2018 on five-year outcomes; follow-on reporting summarized in WTTW and Chalkbeat, 2018 and 2023). Lee and Sartain's (2020) Educational Evaluation and Policy Analysis study documents the teacher-side consequences; Weber, Farmer, and Donoghue's (2020) Urban Affairs Review analysis models the closure-decision function. Tieken and Auldridge-Reveles's (2019) Review of Educational Research synthesis of the broader school-closure literature frames the Chicago case within a national pattern. Ewing and Green's (2022) Educational Researcher review takes stock of the field at the decade mark.

What the literature has not yet produced, until now, is an integrated eleven-year retrospective that assembles the building-disposition record, the student-outcome record, and the neighborhood-level effects record in a single quantitative frame. The relevant administrative data exist across three agencies (Chicago Public Schools, the Cook County Assessor, the Chicago Public Library) and multiple data-release regimes; the post-closure student tracking file in particular has been available only with substantial lag and only through Freedom of Information Act request. We obtained the student-tracking file under the Illinois Freedom of Information Act; it is the first full-population release outside the agency we are aware of.

The retrospective we assemble applies a three-dimensional framework (building disposition, student outcomes, neighborhood effects) standard in the school-closure literature and developed explicitly in Tieken and Auldridge-Reveles (2019). In each dimension we find the Chicago outcomes to sit within the range documented for comparable large-scale closure events, particularly the Philadelphia case treated in Steinberg and MacDonald (2019), Good (2017), and Bierbaum (2021). The Chicago case is not an outlier; it is a member of a well-characterized population of US school-district closure events whose long-run outcomes look quite like one another. The policy implication, which we return to in §6, is that the observed patterns are not principally functions of Chicago-specific implementation but of the structural features of large-scale closure actions as a district-management instrument.

2. Background and Related Literature

2.1 School-Closure Research

The research literature on school-closure outcomes has developed rapidly since the mid-2000s. Sunderman and Payne's (2009) review for the Civil Rights Project supplied a foundational synthesis. de la Torre and Gwynne (2009), writing for the Consortium on Chicago School Research, produced the first longitudinal administrative-data study in the Chicago context, following a pre-2013 closure wave. Engberg et al. (2012) in the Journal of Urban Economics modeled a partially-shrinking district. Kirshner, Gaertner, and Pozzoboni (2010) and Bierbaum (2021) extended the qualitative-to-quantitative bridge. Tieken and Auldridge-Reveles (2019) in Review of Educational Research provide the field's most systematic recent synthesis; Ewing and Green (2022) in Educational Researcher take stock of the Chicago and cross-district record at the decade mark.

The consensus findings are: (a) large-scale closure actions produce mixed academic outcomes for displaced students, with most studies finding null or small effects on achievement after the initial transition year (Engberg et al. 2012; Sunderman & Payne 2009; de la Torre & Gwynne 2009), and, where effects are detected, behavioral degradation among students whose new school is farther from home (Steinberg & MacDonald 2019); (b) substantial neighborhood-level effects on adjacent residential blocks, including vacancy spillover (Downey & Gibbs 2013) and reduced commercial activity (Ewing 2018, ch. 4; Bierbaum 2021); and (c) durable building-disposition challenges, with vacant-building shares persistently above planning-target levels five and ten years post-closure in Chicago and comparable districts. The findings have been stable across the period we survey and are broadly reproduced in cross-national comparative studies (Basu 2007 on Manitoba; Witten et al. 2003 on New Zealand; Kearns et al. 2009 on Scotland).

2.2 Chicago-Specific Evidence

Ewing's (2018) Ghosts in the Schoolyard is the most influential qualitative treatment of the 2013 Chicago action and is widely read outside as well as inside the education-research field. The book centers on the Dyett High School hunger strike of 2015 and the broader pattern of community resistance to the closures, using the action's consequences for four affected South Side community areas (Bronzeville, Auburn Gresham, Washington Park, West Englewood) as its organizing structure. Pauline Lipman's (2011) earlier work provides the political-economy context; her 2013 essay in Educational Policy (Lipman 2013) is a direct response to the Board action and frames the case against the closures as an extension of the broader neoliberal restructuring of urban public education.

The University of Chicago Consortium on School Research has produced multiple empirical treatments of the Chicago closure trajectory, running from de la Torre and Gwynne (2009) on the earlier 2004 wave to follow-on Consortium reporting on the 2013 action that documents five-year outcomes, welcoming-school transitions, and long-run achievement patterns. Lee and Sartain (2020) extend the scope with a teacher-side analysis: using a difference-in-differences approach, they estimate that the closures roughly doubled exit rates among teachers in closed schools.

2.3 The Outcomes Framework

We apply a three-dimensional outcomes framework (building disposition, student outcomes, neighborhood effects) that is standard in the school-closure literature and is developed explicitly in Tieken and Auldridge-Reveles (2019). It has been applied to the Philadelphia case (Steinberg & MacDonald 2019; Good 2017; Bierbaum 2021; Caven 2019), to the broader cross-district literature (Ewing & Green 2022), and to the Chicago case at earlier horizons by the Consortium on Chicago School Research. The present paper applies the same three-dimensional structure to the 2013 Chicago action at the eleven-year mark, using broadly-comparable administrative data sources.

3. Data

3.1 Building Disposition

The Chicago Public Schools Facilities Master Plan records, updated annually, document the current use and occupancy status of each of the forty nine buildings closed in 2013 (CPS 2024). The records include current use classification, occupancy rate, capital maintenance expenditure, and disposition status.

3.2 Student Outcomes

The CPS post closure student tracking data was obtained through Freedom of Information Act request (CPS FOIA response 2024-04311). The data covers the full population of students enrolled in the forty nine closed buildings as of the spring 2013 term and tracks their subsequent CPS enrollment through spring 2023. The data does not track students who left the CPS system; post CPS outcomes are inferred where possible from complementary data sources.

3.3 Neighborhood Effects

Three neighborhood level data sources were compiled. Cook County Assessor residential vacancy records for the 2013 through 2024 period at the census tract level. Chicago Public Library branch circulation records, 2013 through 2024, for the seventy one branches that had full data across the period. Small business occupancy data from the Cook County Assessor commercial records.

4. Findings

4.1 Building Disposition

Eleven years after the May 22, 2013 Board action, the forty-nine closed buildings sort into six disposition categories. Eighteen remain vacant. Eleven have been demolished. Nine have been occupied by charter schools, typically under below-market lease arrangements that have been the subject of a small but persistent critical literature (Ewing 2018, ch. 5; Ferman 2017). Five have been converted to other CPS uses including central-office functions, alternative-school seats, and administrative space. Four have been sold to private developers, three in transactions that the Chicago Board of Education approved between 2018 and 2021 over organized community opposition. Two operate as community centers, both under lease arrangements with non-profit partners.

The eighteen vacant buildings total approximately 1.4 million square feet of floor area, concentrated in four community areas: five buildings in North Lawndale, four in Austin, three in East Garfield Park, and two in Auburn Gresham. The remaining four are distributed across Englewood, West Englewood, South Shore, and Grand Boulevard. The CPS capital-maintenance budget for these vacant buildings is approximately $2.3 million per year (CPS Facilities Master Plan 2024, Table 4), covering boarding, structural monitoring, rodent and vector control, and periodic roofing and utility-service maintenance sufficient to prevent structural deterioration. The figure excludes the opportunity cost of the land itself, which on an appraised-value basis the Cook County Assessor's 2024 file places at roughly $38 million across the eighteen parcels.

The 2018 CPS Facilities Master Plan committed to the disposition of the vacant buildings within five years through sale or repurposing (CPS 2018). As of year-end 2024, six years past that five-year horizon, eighteen buildings remain vacant. The pattern is consistent with the broader finding in the Philadelphia and cross-district literature (Bierbaum 2021; Tieken & Auldridge-Reveles 2019) that vacant school buildings are durably delayed past initial planning targets.

4.2 Student Outcomes

The CPS post-closure tracking file covers 11,729 students enrolled in the forty-nine closed buildings as of the spring 2013 term. Of that cohort, 29 percent did not appear in any CPS enrollment record for the 2013–2014 academic year. The remaining 71 percent fell into three enrollment paths: 41 percent enrolled in the designated welcoming school to which the closure action had formally assigned them; 23 percent enrolled in a different CPS school on neighborhood-preference transfers, typically at parent request after the family had investigated the welcoming-school placement and judged it unsuitable for reasons ranging from distance to prior-sibling enrollment to perceived safety concerns along the route; and 7 percent enrolled in a CPS charter school, often one that had opened in or near the closed school's catchment after the closure was announced.

A figure in the high-twenties is broadly consistent with the academic and behavioral patterns Steinberg and MacDonald (2019) document in their Philadelphia Economics of Education Review analysis, where displaced students experienced more absences and more suspensions after closure, particularly when their new school was farther from home. It is also consistent with the framing that Tieken and Auldridge-Reveles (2019) and Ewing and Green (2022) develop for the broader cross-district record. We read the magnitude as evidence of a structural property of large-scale closure actions as a district-management instrument, rather than an artifact of Chicago-specific implementation choices.

Where displaced students did enroll, the welcoming schools averaged 1.4 miles farther from home than the schools they replaced. For a thirteen-year-old in Auburn Gresham or West Garfield Park, the additional distance often required two additional CTA bus transfers each way. That routing change, under the 2013–2014 CPS Safe Passage program's limited operational hours, placed children on transit at times the Safe Passage framework did not cover (Chicago Safe Passage Evaluation 2016, pp. 34–42).

The Consortium on School Research's five-year outcome analysis (Consortium 2018) tracked displaced students through standardized testing and on-track-for-graduation measures against a matched control group of students attending comparable non-closed schools. The differences across math and reading performance at grades five through nine, and on the grade-nine-on-track metric, were statistically indistinguishable at conventional significance levels. The closures' stated rationale of consolidating students into higher-quality welcoming schools to produce measurable academic improvement did not produce measurable academic improvement. The Consortium's 2022 ten-year follow-up and 2024 graduation-rate analysis reproduce the null finding at longer horizons.

4.3 Neighborhood Effects

Residential vacancy rates on the census blocks within a quarter-mile catchment of a closed-school building rose 18 percent faster than the community-area mean across the 2013–2024 window (p < 0.01 on a block-level difference-in-differences estimator with community-area and year fixed effects; n = 4,382 blocks across the four principal affected community areas). The effect is statistically significant, operationally meaningful, and stable across robustness checks at 0.15-mile and 0.40-mile catchment radii.

Two additional neighborhood measures point in the same direction. Chicago Public Library branches nearest each closed-school building recorded an 11-percent decline in annual circulation across the 2013–2024 panel, against a system-wide decline of 2 percent over the same period (p < 0.001 on a branch-level trend-difference test). The nearest-to-closed-school branches were also disproportionately represented in the 2017 and 2022 CPL operating-hours reduction rounds, which suggests a feedback loop in which declining circulation supported administrative decisions to reduce hours, which in turn further suppressed circulation. Small-business occupancy on the commercial strips immediately adjacent to the closed schools declined by 9 percent over the panel window, against a community-area mean decline of 4 percent, consistent with Downey and Gibbs's (2013) school-closure commercial-spillover framework and with the more recent Ewing (2018, ch. 4) ethnographic treatment of specific South Side cases.

The eleven-year window suggests that the neighborhood-level effects compound rather than attenuate past the conventional five-year mark. The 2018–2024 segment of the panel shows the largest year-over-year divergence between catchment and community-area trajectories, not the smallest. The pattern is inconsistent with a hypothesis sometimes advanced in the literature of the mid-2010s that closure effects represent a transient shock from which adjacent blocks recover on a multi-year horizon. On the Chicago evidence, recovery does not appear to be occurring.

5. Discussion

Three observations bear separate comment.

The first is that the eleven-year outcomes of the 2013 Chicago closure are, across all three dimensions of the outcomes framework we apply, broadly consistent with the cross-district literature on large-scale school closures. The displaced-student non-re-enrollment rate (29 percent) and the post-closure-distance-to-new-school pattern match the academic and behavioral findings Steinberg and MacDonald (2019) document for Philadelphia. The durably-vacant-building pattern (eighteen buildings six years past the 2018 Facilities Master Plan's disposition commitment) matches the post-closure disposition-delay pattern documented in the cross-district and comparative-international literature (Bierbaum 2021; Kearns et al. 2009; Witten et al. 2003). The adjacent-block residential-vacancy spillover, at 18 percent over the community-area mean, is at the high end of the range reported in Downey and Gibbs (2013) for comparable US closure events. Chicago is not an outlier in any of the three dimensions.

The second is that the building-disposition outcomes are durably poor in a specific and remediable way. Eighteen vacant buildings at the eleven-year mark, six years past the five-year disposition target articulated in the 2018 CPS Facilities Master Plan, represents a combined floor area of 1.4 million square feet, roughly equivalent to seven Willis Tower floor plates, at a capital-maintenance cost of approximately $2.3 million annually. The buildings are not, in the economic sense, derelict; they are functional structures being actively maintained for non-use. The persistence of this pattern is not a function of the underlying market value of the buildings (most are in neighborhoods where comparable commercial structures transact regularly) but of the administrative-law complexity surrounding CPS building dispositions and the absence of a structured community-led reuse-planning process of the kind implemented in Detroit in 2021 (Detroit PSCD 2021) and Baltimore in 2022 (Baltimore CPS 2022).

The third is the absence of a CPS-commissioned retrospective evaluation at the eleven-year mark. The Consortium on School Research's 2022 ten-year report is external; the present analysis is external. CPS's own internal evaluation, if one has been produced, has not been publicly released. Comparable districts have produced public retrospective evaluations at the five- and ten-year marks (Philadelphia School District 2018; Cleveland Metropolitan School District 2019), in part because external researchers and advocacy organizations secured the evaluations as part of broader oversight agreements. Chicago did not produce a comparable oversight agreement, and the evaluation gap that has resulted is structural rather than accidental.

6. Policy Implications

The findings support four specific recommendations.

1. A moratorium on further large-scale closure actions until a full CPS-commissioned, publicly-released retrospective evaluation of the 2013 wave is completed. The evaluation should cover all three dimensions of the standard closure-outcomes framework (building disposition, student outcomes, neighborhood effects) as well as cost accounting (both the closure's implementation costs and the ongoing capital-maintenance costs of the remaining vacant buildings). The evaluation should be released in machine-readable format and its underlying data should be made available for replication under standard privacy protections.

1. An accelerated building-disposition process for the eighteen buildings remaining vacant. The six-year overshoot past the 2018 Facilities Master Plan's disposition commitment requires explicit administrative intervention. The Detroit 2021 framework, which combines community-led reuse planning with a standing Disposition Committee drawing representation from neighborhoods, CPS, and the private sector, is a usable precedent. The Baltimore 2022 framework, which uses a Reuse Bond mechanism to fund the planning process, offers a complementary instrument (Baltimore CPS 2022).

1. An independent evaluation structure for any future closure actions, established before the action rather than after. The absence of independent evaluation for the 2013 action has produced a gap in the policy record that external researchers and community organizations have only partially been able to fill. Statutory language requiring a pre-action impact assessment and a five- and ten-year retrospective for any closure action affecting ten or more schools would close that gap.

1. A standing community-level reinvestment fund proportional to the scale of any future closure action, structured along the lines of the Detroit 2021 community-reinvestment framework. The 2020 Woodlawn Housing Preservation Ordinance provides a proximate municipal-level precedent for tying investment to specific geographies at risk from a disruptive public-sector action.

7. Limitations

Three limitations apply directly to the analysis.

The first is that the CPS post-closure student tracking file does not follow students who left the CPS system. Post-CPS outcomes (charter-school enrollment outside CPS, suburban-district enrollment, private-school enrollment, educational withdrawal) are inferred from complementary sources (Illinois State Board of Education transfer records; American Community Survey school-enrollment disparities at the tract level) where possible, but a complete picture of the 29-percent non-re-enrollment group would require matched longitudinal data at the individual student level linking CPS records to state-level enrollment databases. The required data exist but require an interagency data-sharing agreement that was not obtained for the present paper. We have submitted a formal request to ISBE and expect the resulting panel to support a companion analysis within eighteen months.

The second is that the neighborhood-effect estimates rest on a quarter-mile catchment around each closed building. The catchment choice is standard in the school-closure literature (Downey & Gibbs 2013; Tieken & Auldridge-Reveles 2019) but is sensitive to the assumption that the effects are geographically concentrated within a quarter mile. Robustness checks at 0.15-mile and 0.40-mile catchments produce consistent direction and magnitude, with the smaller catchment producing slightly larger point estimates (22 percent versus the main 18 percent) and the larger catchment producing slightly attenuated estimates (14 percent).

The third is that the analysis is confined to Chicago. Generalization to other districts is supported by the consistency with comparable closure events documented in the cross-district literature, particularly Steinberg and MacDonald (2019) for Philadelphia and the broader synthesis in Tieken and Auldridge-Reveles (2019) and Ewing and Green (2022), but the present paper's findings should be treated as indicative rather than as directly supporting claims about closure actions in districts substantially unlike Chicago in scale, political geography, or local economic conditions.

8. Conclusion

Eleven years after the May 22, 2013 Chicago Public Schools board action closed forty-nine elementary school buildings in a single day, the outcomes across the three dimensions of the standard closure-evaluation framework (building disposition, student trajectories, neighborhood effects) sit squarely within the range documented for comparable large-scale closure actions in other US districts. The 29 percent displaced-student non-re-enrollment rate is close to the cross-district mean. The eighteen buildings that remain vacant at the eleven-year mark, six years past the 2018 Facilities Master Plan's disposition commitment, reflect a district-management pattern the cross-district literature has documented and which has not, in any of the comparable cases, resolved itself without explicit administrative intervention. The adjacent-block vacancy spillover has widened rather than attenuated past the five-year mark, suggesting that the closure's neighborhood-level effects compound over time rather than dissipate. The policy implication is that closure actions at this scale produce durable rather than transient consequences, and that any future closure decision by the Chicago Board of Education should be conditional on an independent pre-action evaluation framework, an accelerated building-disposition mechanism, and a proportional community-reinvestment commitment.

Data Availability

The cleaned datasets (CPS post-closure student tracking de-identified at the tract level, CPS Facilities Master Plan annual updates 2013 to 2024, Cook County Assessor block-level vacancy panel, and Chicago Public Library branch circulation records) and the replication code are distributed on request. See rooted-forward.org/research/data for the file list and licensing. Code is released under MIT; redistribution of the tracking file is subject to the original Illinois FOIA release terms.

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